. Thou shalt not reveal thy sources
October, 2005
Ask journalists, media lawyers and critics, and they will agree: the principle of keeping your promise of confidentiality to a source is sacred. A promise is a promise.
Yet, the case of four reporters currently in contempt of court in Wen Ho Lee’s pending civil suit to government agencies raises some new, challenging questions: Does it matter to whom did you promise? Does it matter if the information you received in confidence was false? Does it matter if it was not of public interest but misinformation that somebody in power passed through you, and ended up ruining an individual’s reputation?
Bob Giles, Curator of the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard University, Prof. Richard Lehr, former investigative journalist for The Boston Globe, Mark Jurkowitz, first media critic for The Boston Globe and columnist at the Boston Phoenix, and Prof. Michael Berlin, who teaches and writes on American foreign policy and media ethics, addressed all these questions.
Public v. Private
In 1999, Bob Drogin of the Los Angeles Times, H. Josef Hebert of the Associated Press, James Risen of the New York Times, and former CNN staffer Pierre Thomas printed that Dr. Wen Ho Lee, a 59-year-old scientist of Taiwanese origin working at Los Alamos was suspected of espionage, according to unnamed “administration officials.”
Lee was arrested at his home in full view of all his neighbors and held in solitary confinement for nine months. He was never charged with spying, and pleaded guilty of “the unauthorized removal of documents” from his computer. The presiding federal judge “apologized to Lee from the bench and said officials had embarrassed the entire nation.”
In 2003, Lee sued the DOE, the Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation under the Privacy Act. He alleges that they had improperly disclosed personal information about him to the news media, such as his and his wife’s names, their employment history, their financial transactions and details of their trips to Hong Kong and China. The court ruled Lee exhausted every reasonable alternative source of information, and that therefore the reporters couldn’t keep their sources confidential .
Two things make this case different. One is the fact that it is a civil suit, and it therefore “pits an individual’s right to privacy and to protect his or her reputation against the free flow of information and the public’s right to know,” Jurkowitz said in the Phoenix . However, the second singularity of this case is that the information leaked was not –in any sense- in the public interest.
While other attempts to breach confidentiality via the courts were linked to criminal cases, Jurkowitz reported that there is an additional concern among journalism advocates in that the interest of a private litigant can be held to be more important than the journalist’s right to offer confidentiality. When asked about this, the critic explained that “over time, the government and the media come into conflict over this guarantee of anonymity.” On the one hand, he said, there is precedent that suggests that a court would view a verbal agreement through which a journalist grants anonymity to a source to be a contract under law. But on the other hand, “that does not necessarily mean that the journalist some day is not going to be compelled or law enforced to reveal the name of that source.”
After 30 years in journalism and two in law school, Lehr finds that “right now in the US, reporters do not have strong ‘legal rights’ to refuse a court order to testify,” he said this doesn’t mean reporters should “fold and break their promises.”
Drogin’s testimony in the Wen Ho Lee case summarized the core argument for this principle: “I have thought long and hard about this, and unlike you attorneys here in the room, I do not have subpoena power or anything else to gather information. I have what credibility I have as a journalist, I have the word that I give to people to protect their confidentiality. If I violate that trust, then I believe I can no longer work as a journalist.”
But journalists, as any other citizen, have an obligation to disclose evidence of illegal acts committed on their presence, including violations of the Privacy Act.
Jurkowitz and other media critics underlined the increasing number of subpoenas issued to journalists. “There have been too many cases in which they have been asked to reveal their sources but not for compelling legal reasons. Which is why people now are talking about federal shield laws,” he said.
Instead, Giles thinks shield laws are not the answer. “Each case of confidentiality should be determined on its own merits,” he said. “There should be no blanket protection or shield for reporters. The decision to grant confidentiality should be solely the responsibility of the journalist and his/her news organization.”
“Confidentiality should be given with great care,” Giles said. “An editor should know the identity of the source. The editor and reporter should be convinced that the information is essential to the story, that the source is in a position to know and that there is no other source for the particular information.”
None of this happened on March 24, 1999 when Risen reported for NYT that “Wen Ho Lee asked that he be allowed to hire a research assistant ... And the research assistant has disappeared,” according to “several senior Government officials.” Because when reporter Vernon Loeb –for The Washington Post- asked Los Alamos’ spokesman if he knew anything about the missing assistant, he got his home address and phone number. He had gone back to his school, and Risen had not checked what “several senior Gov. officials” had told him.
Prof. Berlin would agree with Giles in this point. “A court order is not the issue at all,” he said. “If confidentiality remains an ethical decision, the reporter should ignore court orders and do jail time to preserve confidentiality, since whether the Supreme Court recognizes it as such or not, it is essential to preserve the public’s right to know, and is therefore ethically appropriate.”
Berlin shares the belief that court orders are not what could make a journalist violate their promise of confidentiality to a source, but –unlike Lehr and Jurkowitz- he did say that journalists could choose to break it.
“I think it is time for reporters to ask themselves whether there are situations in which a promise of confidentiality should be broken on an ethical basis, not a legal basis; in other words, even when no government pressure is applied to the reporter to do so,” Berlin said.
Prosecutor’s tools
“From the Editors: The Times and Wen Ho Lee,” 1663 words, appeared on a Tuesday, Sept. 23, 2000, with an account of the reporting done by the Times on Lee’s case, and what they thought was done wrongly. They stated there how: “an otherwise far-seeing article on June 14, 1999, that (…) said Dr. Lee ‘may be responsible for the most damaging espionage of the post-cold war era.’ Though it accurately attributed this characterization to ‘officials and lawmakers, primarily Republicans,’ such remarks should have been, at a minimum, balanced with the more skeptical views of those who had doubts about the charges against Dr. Lee.”
Lehr, co-author of Black Mass: The Irish Mob, the F.B.I., and a Devil's Deal, said “the lesson is that no matter where you get your information –test it.” Were you intentionally misled by a source? The source was not a whistle-blower alerting the media to abuses of power, but somebody in power trying to protect his/her back? He and Jurkowitz said that this is not a reason to reveal your source.
“There is a broader principle stated here, whether or not this is the best case to have this principle stand-up for,” Jurkowitz said. “[The Wen Ho Lee case] probably represents some abuses of the confidential source situation, and it looks like an attempt by the government to discredit somebody: all that is true. But still, given so, even in a case like this, sometimes people say ‘Hey, for us the important principle is that we do not reveal our sources.’” If they voluntarily did, ultimately, then “those kind of sources are going to dry out.” And, he said, there is an effort from federal prosecutors to push Journalists to give up their sources, and ultimately “to deter investigative journalism.”
On the contrary, Berlin said that one potential reason for breaking a promise of confidentiality is “if the information provided on background is false, inaccurate, misleading, or exaggerated and it is clear that the source has lied/misled/distorted intentionally.”
“It is the intentional lie or distortion, not the unintended inaccuracy, that would be a cause for a reporter to consider breaking a promise of confidentiality,” he said.
Giles goes further. In his opinion, the reporter is not breaking any contract, but the source is. “The contract should assume that the information being given is truthful and is not being given illegally or for a purely partisan political purpose.” If the information was inaccurate or given illegally, the contract is broken and “reporter and editor have the obligation to consider publishing a story identifying the source and explaining that the information was given illegally or untruthfully.”
As Times’ Editors said, far from what “officials and lawmakers, primarily Republicans,” leaked, Lee was not “responsible for the most damaging espionage of the post-cold war era.” Now, if in this case a journalist owns no duty of confidentiality to its source, but his duty is to the person who was wronged, or if there are not such cases, is a discussion far to be closed.
By Ana Rivas for BU